After ensuring the school was cleared of mines, Mengi Primary School in Tigray was reopened in October 2021 with the help of UNICEF (Photo: UNICEF)

Millions of children out of schools and tens of thousands of teachers died in war-torn Tigray

Mekelle, Tigray – In Wereda Tselemti, North Western Tigray, the deserted classrooms and shuttered schools that once served as centers of learning for tens of thousands of children are a stark reminder of the toll the war has taken on the Tigray’s education system. For over five years, 79 educational institutions in the district have been closed, leaving approximately 56,000 students without access to formal education, according to Tselemti development association.

Children now spend their days helping with household chores, tending livestock, working in fields or searching for food, rather than learning math, science or reading, as teachers have either been killed, displaced, or remain unpaid.

The situation in Tselemti reflects a broader crisis in Tigray. Across Tigray, schools have been reduced to rubble, with roofs collapsed, libraries looted and laboratories stripped of equipment. A 2023 report by the UNOCHA, showed that more than 85% of schools were damaged or destroyed during the war. Some were burned, others used as barracks by fighters and many still bear bullet holes and shell scars.

According to the latest report by the regional education bureau, this year alone 1.2 million children are out of school due to many factors including economic hardship and lack of access to education. In rural areas, where schools were already under-resourced before the war, the closures have pushed families back decades. The human toll is just as severe. The Tigray regional education bureau has reported that 14,000 teachers have died as a direct or indirect result of the war on Tigray and the bureau estimates that the education system has sustained $1.6 billion in damage and in areas where schools are technically open, they often operate in extreme conditions. Some lack chairs, blackboards or even walls. Others run double or triple shifts, trying to squeeze hundreds of students into a single classroom.

In addition to the school conditions, economic hardship and accessibility have also become crippling barriers. Many families, economically drained by the two years of war, cannot afford basics such as notebooks, uniforms, or food for their children as a result many are often pulled from school to help support household survival, working in fields, herding animals or fetching water for hours each day.

A Lost Generation in the Making

The collapse of Tigray’s education system is not just a temporary setback, it threatens to shape Tigray’s future for decades. Many warn that every year a child spends out of the classroom reduces their lifetime earnings potential and increases the likelihood of falling into poverty. A 2023 World Bank study on conflict-affected middle income countries found that a single year of lost schooling can reduce a child’s expected lifetime earnings by 9%. Multiplied across a generation, the missed education in Tigray could set back Tigray’s recovery by decades, undermining its workforce, productivity and chances of long-term stability.

The risks go beyond illiteracy. Children who miss years of schooling are more likely to end up in child labor, early marriage, or unsafe migration. In many parts of rural Tigray, families say their children are dropping out to work as daily laborers or they are drawn into dangerous migration, where many fall prey to human traffickers.

“My son used to dream of being a doctor,” said Selam, a mother of three in Axum. “Now he says he wants to go to Europe to find work. He doesn’t believe in school anymore.”

Desperate teenagers are lured by promises of jobs and better life abroad, only to end up stranded or exploited in Yemen, Libya or along desert smuggling routes.

The psychological toll is equally severe. Many children witnessed violence firsthand during the war, killings, displacement, hunger and without the routine and stability that schools provide, trauma goes untreated. Teachers describe students struggling with attention, discipline, and even basic communication.

Girls Pay the Highest Price

While the war has upended education for all children in Tigray, girls have borne a disproportional burden. Alemat Amare, the deputy head of Tigray’s Women affairs bureau told Wegahta that among the children who haven’t returned back to school, around 50% of them are girls. According to Alemat many have been pushed out of the classroom due to poverty, family responsibilities, and economic hardship intensified by war.

Child marriage across Tigray is reportedly rising, as desperate families marry off daughters to reduce household expenses. For many girls, marriage is becoming a survival strategy, even if it means abandoning education forever. These girls are losing not just their schooling, but their childhoods and the ripple effects are severe. Girls who leave school are far less likely to return, trapping them in cycles of domestic labor, dependency or early marriage and motherhood.

Many fear that this could undo years of slow but steady progress toward gender parity in education in Tigray.

Rebuilding from Ashes

Even amid devastation, there have been efforts to rebuild Tigray’s shattered education system. According to the Tigray Recovery and Reconstruction Coordination Office, in 2017 E.C. alone, 51 schools were reconstructed or rebuilt, restoring some classrooms and providing a measure of hope to affected communities.

But the scale of destruction far outpaces these efforts. With more than 85% of schools damaged or destroyed, the 51 rebuilt schools barely scratch the surface of what is needed. For every school reopened, dozens remain in ruins, forcing children to travel long distances or go without schooling entirely. The Tigray regional education bureau estimates that over $4.7 billion will be required to fully rebuild the education system.

Education as Collateral Damage

The war on Tigray, which began in November 2020, has exacted a devastating toll on Tigray’s civilian infrastructure and schools have borne a heavy share of the damage. While both the Federal government and its allies deny deliberately targeting educational institutions, evidence on the ground suggests that schools were frequently looted, occupied, or destroyed, becoming unintended or in many cases strategic victims of the war.

Reports indicate that classrooms were used as military barracks, storing weapons and housing soldiers, leaving them unfit for learning. Libraries were ransacked, laboratories stripped of equipment, and blackboards filled by a message of threats and intimidation. Children returned to find bullet-riddled walls and burned textbooks.

And the disruption goes beyond physical damage. Teachers have been killed, displaced, or left unpaid for months and many students have been forced into household labor to help families survive. In effect, the collapse of education has become both a cause and a consequence of the humanitarian crisis.

A Future on Hold

Across Tigray, children who once filled schoolyards with laughter now spend their days fetching water, tending livestock, or working in fields. Dreams of doctors, engineers, and teachers are being replaced with survival strategies. For many families, sending children back to school is not just difficult, it is impossible. Poverty coupled with destroyed infrastructure has made education become a luxury rather than a right.

For those who do return to classrooms, learning conditions are harsh. Overcrowded rooms, minimal supplies and underpaid or volunteer teachers make progress slow and precarious. As a result the fate of Tigray’s children now hangs in the balance. Each day without school is a day that diminishes their potential and by extension, the potential of Tigray itself.

Refugees who fled Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict arrive by bus near the Ethiopian border at the entrance of Um Raquba refugee camp in Sudan’s eastern Gedaref state on Dec. 11, 2020. (AFP file photo)

Expulsions of Tigrayans from Western Tigray continue nearly three years after the signing of the Pretoria agreement

Mekelle, Tigray – Over 1500 ethnic Tigrayans have been expelled from the occupied Western Tigray zone by Amhara regional forces and militias this year alone, compounding what rights groups describe as an ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing nearly three years after Ethiopia’s federal government and TPLF signed a peace deal to end the war on Tigray.

Assefa Gebrehiwot, head of the internally displaced persons coordination cluster in the town of Sheraro, told Wegahta that since the start of 2017 Ethiopian calendar (2024–25), the town has received more than 1,500 ethnic Tigrayans including women, children and elderly people forcibly displaced from many parts of Western Tigray including Welkayt, Tsegede, Humera, Kafta Humera and Maykadra.

“This past week alone, Sheraro received over fifty expelled Tigrayans,” Assefa said, adding that expulsions have persisted for almost three years despite the Pretoria cessation of hostilities agreement. “Many of those expelled reached Sheraro on foot, often after walking for days without food or water,” said Assefa, “Some were brought here with the assistance of federal police, who transported them after they were forced out of Western Tigray.” He added that more than 200 Tigrayans have so far been transferred to Sheraro by federal authorities this year alone, underscoring the scale of expulsions and the federal government’s awareness of the situation.

Regional authorities say nearly one million people from Western Tigray now live in IDP centers across Tigray, while tens of thousands more remain with host communities and in Sudan refugee camps.

Pattern of expulsion

According to Assefa the forced expulsion of Tigrayans from Western Tigray has been a continuing trend for the past almost three years, despite the Pretoria agreement. Civil society groups also say expulsions from Western Tigray are part of a broader campaign to permanently change the demographics of the area.

Tsegay Tetemke, head of Tsilal CSO, a civic society organization which focuses on issues in Western Tigray, told Wegahta that his organization has documented more than 11 phases of mass expulsions of Tigrayans in between 2022-2024, displacing tens of thousands of Tigrayans from Western Tigray.

The displacement, which many describe as part of demographic engineering and ethnic cleansing campaign in the occupied Western Tigray, comes nearly three years after the signing of the Pretoria peace agreement on November 2, 2022, which formally ended the war between Ethiopia’s federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Since the starting of the war, Western Tigray remains under the control of forces from the neighboring Amhara region despite provisions in the November 2022 Pretoria peace agreement, which called for the restoration of constitutional framework to address any claims.

Tens of thousands of Tigrayans were reported killed or arbitrarily detained and millions expelled in what observers and right groups say was a coordinated campaign to change the areas demographic composition. A joint 2022 report by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International concluded that the abuses in Western Tigray amounted to a coordinated campaign of ethnic cleansing.

Following the signing of the Pretoria agreement many expected that the issue of Western Tigray and suffering of nearly millions of IDPs will be addressed constitutionally as stipulated in the agreement. However the cessation of hostilities agreement has not brought about an end to the ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans in Western Tigray and the suffering of those across IDP centers in Tigray and refugee camps in Sudan.

In June 1, 2023 Human rights watch said local authorities and Amhara forces have continued to forcibly expel Tigrayans as part of an ethnic cleansing campaign in Western Tigray Zone despite the November 2, 2022, truce agreement. Human Rights Watch reported that it founded that two officials, Col. Demeke Zewdu and Belay Ayalew, who were previously implicated in abuses, continue to be involved in arbitrary detention, torture, and forced deportations of Tigrayans.

The United States department of States in its 2024 country reports on human rights practices in Ethiopia published also sited that “There were reports of widespread killings of civilians,mass forced displacement, ethnic cleansing, rape and other forms of violence against women and girls, looting, & destruction of property by Amhara militias and affiliated groups in Western Tigray.”

Life After Displacement

Even though many of those expelled from Western Tigray first take refuge in the small town of Sheraro, few remain there for long. Instead, they disperse to relatives or squeeze into displacement camps already filled to capacity.

“As soon as they arrive, most move on to join IDPs who are already in displacement camps in Shire, Adwa, Mekelle and other areas,” said Assefa Gebrehiwot. “This is adding to an already dire humanitarian situation in the IDP camps.” he added

For those expelled from Western Tigray, life in displacement camps is marked by overcrowding, hunger, and uncertainty. The camps already struggling to accommodate hundreds of thousands displaced Tigrayans are now stretched beyond their limits. Many displaced families live in makeshift shelters made of plastic sheets and sticks, with little access to food, water, or healthcare.

A recent special assessment report by the Commission of inquiry on Tigray Genocide which was conducted across 92 IDP sites and at host community in 18 cities and sub-cities across Tigray found that Many continue to live in makeshift shelters, abandoned buildings, and overcrowded school compounds, facing deteriorating conditions without adequate food, medical services, or any hope for return, recovery or justice.

The finding by the commission indicates the existence of systematic deprivation of basic needs. The food aid provided was irregular, and inconsistent with humanitarian standards. In many cases, food distribution has been suspended for several months, and when it is delivered, the quantity is frequently below standard and often not based on household size. The report also shows that vulnerable groups, including pregnant women, unaccompanied children and persons with chronic illnesses, are often excluded from aid due to flaws in biometric registration systems and bureaucratic neglect. Some have never received any aid since their displacement.

Shelter conditions are equally dire. According to the report a large proportion of IDPs live in overcrowded, decaying plastic tents, unfinished buildings, or sleep outdoors. Many shelters are no longer functional and provide no protection even from rain, wind, and sun. IDPs report exposure to wild animals like snakes, and extreme weather. Makeshift settlements in school compounds have interrupted local education systems and exacerbated pressures on host communities.

The lack of sanitation infrastructure further exposes IDPs to disease outbreaks, particularly in densely populated sites where latrines and clean water are either unavailable or severely limited. Healthcare is another major area of concern. The study found an alarming absence of medical services across IDP sites. Essential medicines and treatments for chronic illnesses, maternal and child health services, and mental health support are practically nonexistent.

Cases of death due to starvation, untreated illnesses, and preventable conditions such as hypertension and diabetes were frequently reported, according to the findings by the commission. Some IDP sites recorded several death incidents due to the compounded effects of starvation, malnutrition, lack of medicine, and hygienic problems. In camps like Hitsats and Endabaguna, death tolls reached staggering levels, including elderly individuals who perished from neglect and children dying from malnutrition.

Despite the scale of suffering, mechanisms for justice, accountability and durable solutions remain virtually absent. Even tho the CoHA signed between the Federal government and the TPLF obligates the Ethiopian government to ensure the withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigray and to facilitate the safe return of displaced persons, the return remains obstructed in areas like Western Tigray which still under occupation by Amhara and Eritrean forces.

Stalled Peace agreement implementation

Nearly three years after the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, which formally ended the war on Tigray, implementation remains uneven with Western Tigray at the heart of the deadlock. Even tho the CoHA obligates the Ethiopian government to ensure the withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigray, to facilitate the safe return of displaced persons and address underlying issues based upon the Ethiopian constitution, Western Tigray has remained under the control of Amhara regional forces and allied militias.

The continued presence of these forces has stalled the safe return of nearly a million displaced people from Western Tigray, according to government officials. Tigrayan officials accuse the federal government of failing to enforce the terms of the deal, leaving displaced families with no pathway back to their homes.

“The agreement promised return and restoration to constitutional framework, but instead people are trapped in limbo,” said Assefa Gebrehiwot “Every month more families are expelled, while those already displaced see no sign of going back.”

For displaced families, the lack of enforcement means indefinite exile. Many have lost families, their farmland, homes, and property in Western Tigray, which they say has been taken over by settlers or Amhara militias. Civic society organizations warn that without a political solution, the crisis risks becoming permanent, leaving hundreds of thousands dependent on aid with no prospect of return.

The stalemate has fueled fears that Western Tigray could trigger renewed war not only between Tigrayan and Amhara communities, but also between regional authorities and the federal government.

The town of Mekhoni

One died and two injured in the town of Mekoni, Southern Tigray: local residents accused security forces for the incident

Mekelle, Tigray – One person was killed and two others injured in Mekoni, Southern Tigray, after security forces opened fire in a local gaming area in a neighborhood known as Madya, according to residents. Residents said the victims were reportedly at a gaming center where they usually gather to spend their time when the forces fired, killing one young man.

According to the resident who spoke to Wegahta on condition of anonymity, Tsigabu Belay who is a resident of Mekoni was killed after a bullet hit him on his neck and Aregawi Tsehaye who was also at the game zone was slightly injured. After the incident Abraha Hagazi who is the owner of the game zone followed them to the high school where they were residing and was heavily beaten by the security forces on his head, the residents added.

Residents said the forces involved belonged to the Tigray Defence Force’s army 43.

According to residents, the same security forces had visited the area on Friday August 29, 2025 and allegedly extorted money from Abraha Hagazi, the owner of the game zone. After he reported the incident to the head of the Army 43, sources said, he didn’t get a positive response but the forces returned in anger and attempted to carry out searches, escalating into the shooting that killed one person and injured another in the game zone.

Today it was reported that the Army has handed over three suspects to the city police, who are carrying out further investigations.

In Mekoni similar incident that killed one person and left 6 injured happened in August 18, 2025 when TDF soldiers attempted to arrest Colonel Halefom Mehari, deputy head of the district security office, which led to confrontation with local militias and youth.

Situation in the area has been tense since the recent tensions in Southern Tigray following the announcement by the Interim administration to restructure the local administration. Reports of military units deployments, patrols in the city and intimidation of civilians have been increasing.

“This is part of a pattern of intimidation where forces move through neighborhoods harassing residents, search our phones and threatening those who have been critical of their actions” one resident who requested anonymity said. According to the resident, this month alone over 21 incidents of violence against civilians has been recorded. Several civic society organizations and opposition parties have been expressing concern about violence against civilians. On Monday Salsay Weyane Tigray, a Tigrayan opposition party said it has seen a sharp increase in killing, arbitrary arrests and widespread arrests in Southern Tigray in what the party said is a design to silence dissent.

The Interim administration’s peace and security bureau did not responded to Wegahta’s requests for comment

TDF fighters in Mekoni, Southern Tigray, to cover their faces

Opposition party in Tigray accused TPLF of suppressing dissent

Tigrayan opposition party, Salsay Weyane Tigray accused the Tigray People’s Liberation Front of brutally cracking down on peaceful opposition movements across the region, warning that the TPLF is actively obstructing a lasting solution to the existential challenges facing Tigray.

In its weekly press release, the party said repression by the TPLF “targets unarmed civilians simply for holding dissenting views,” citing “a sharp rise in killings, arbitrary shootings, and widespread arrests, particularly in Southern Tigray, all designed to silence dissent.” Salsay Weyane Tigray said the TPLF, which it described as building on its “history of seizing power by force,” is escalating efforts to suppress opposition voices.

Growing Tensions in Southern Tigray

The call from Salsay Weyane Tigray comes against a backdrop of mounting turmoil in Southern Tigray, where leadership changes have triggered political unrest. On July 22, 2025, the interim administration announced the removal of Southern Tigray’s senior zonal leaders, a move critics described as an “irresponsible directive” issued under pressure from the TPLF.

The move by the Interim administration has led to an escalation of tensions in Southern Tigray leading into a massive protest across the zone and a total suspension of all government services as a protest against the decision.

Following days of tension Lt. General Tadesse Werede held discussions with community representatives from the zone and the zonal leadership which led to a decision to address the issue in a discussion with the community leaders and the leadership easing the situation in the zone.

The situation, however, deteriorated again on August 24, 2025, when Tadesse Werede appointed Zenabu Gebremedhin, a central committee member of the TPLF, to lead the Southern Tigray administration, replacing Haftu Kiros. Zenabu and his deputy formally assumed office on August 26, 2025, a move that reignited protests and deepened the political instability.

Allegations of human rights abuses

Amid ongoing political unrest in Southern Tigray, rights groups, media outlets, and local sources have reported multiple human rights violations. Additional units of the Tigray Defense Forces, deployed to Southern Tigray following the July leadership changes, have been accused of using excessive force against civilians, detaining individuals critical of the interim administration, and intimidating local residents.

In one incident on August 18, 2025, in Mekoni, clashes between TDF forces and local militias resulted in injuries to several civilians and the death of one person. The confrontation reportedly began after TDF forces attempted to arrest a local militia leader. Residents say the incident is part of a broader pattern of intimidation, including threats and harassment targeting youth, community leaders, and local militias in the area.

The interim administration has not publicly addressed these specific allegations, though officials maintain that their actions are intended to restore order and ensure effective governance in the zone. However Salsay Weyane Tigray condemned the alleged abuses in “the strongest possible terms” and called on both local and international human rights organizations to investigate the incidents and hold those responsible accountable.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front has not responded to the accusations.

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TPLF deputy chair rejects reports of secret talks with Eritrean government.

Amanuel Assefa, deputy chairman of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, has dismissed reports that the party has engaged in talks with Eritrean officials, calling the claims “totally false.”

Speaking to Wegahta in response to reports by various media outlets alleging that TPLF and TDF officers had been engaging with Eritrean officials and even held a confidential meeting with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki in Asmara, Amanuel rejected the claims as baseless.

“These allegations are totally baseless. We have no relations with Eritrea. I can’t understand the motive behind such reports,” he said.

Recently tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea have escalated following Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s announcement of plans to secure direct access to the sea. The two governments, once allies during the war on Tigray, have increasingly exchanged hostile rhetoric.

Amid concerns about renewed conflict, both sides are reportedly seeking to influence TPLF leaders, who remain divided within the party.

Following these allegations have emerged that a faction led by former President of Tigray, Debretsion Gebremichael (PhD) is seeking an alliance with Eritrea to forcibly remove the interim administration and challenge the federal government.

However, Amanuel Assefa says that TPLF remains committed to resolving internal differences peacefully.

“As we have said previously we are ready to resolve any differences in a civilized political manner. There is no need for use of force or violence. We will solve our differences legally and politically,” he said.

Amanuel also reaffirmed TPLF’s commitment to the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, stressing that the party remains focused on its full implementation to ensure lasting peace in Tigray.

“We fully understand our mandate and duty under the CoHA. Whatever regional developments and shifting political dynamics there are, we are not and will not be part of them,” he stated.

“There is no reason for us to take sides or engage in further conflict. We want full implementation of the CoHA and justice for the atrocities committed in Tigray, nothing less.” he added.

Our attempts to obtain comments from TDF Chief General Tadesse Werede were unsuccessful.

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Ayder hospital refutes allegations of treating wounded Fano combatants

Mekelle’s Ayder Comprehensive Referral Hospital said allegations that it treated wounded fighters involved in the recent clashes between Fano militias and government forces in Kobo, Amhara Region are false.

Hospital officials and direct observation by eyewitnesses confirm no such admissions or treatment took place.

On August 9, 2025, heavy fighting broke out in Kobo, a town in Ethiopia’s Amhara Region, between Fano militias and government forces, including the Ethiopian National Defense Forces and regional forces. The clashes have led to numerous unverified claims.

Social media accounts circulated allegations that Ayder Comprehensive Referral Hospital in Mekelle had admitted and treated wounded fighters from the clashes between Fano militias and government forces.

However Ayder Comprehensive Referral Hospital officials have strongly denied claims that they treated wounded fighters from the Kobo conflict. Responding to request from Wegahta, the hospital’s Public Relations office stated, “We have not admitted any injured combatants from the Amhara region related to recent clashes.”

Emergency services staff members and eyewitnesses also confirmed to Wegahta Facts that no such patients were seen in the emergency department.

The heavy clashes on August 9 in Kobo, Amhara Region, has also prompted an accusation from the Kobo city communications which accused forces it described as “Tigray’s junta” of participating in the fighting between Fano militias and government troops. Although the claim lacked supporting evidence, it added to growing allegations of Tigrayan forces’ involvement in the Amhara conflict.

Our attempt to get comments from Tigray’s peace and security bureau regarding the accusations by the Kobo city administration was unsuccessful.

However Since the conflict began between the Ethiopian government and Fano militias in the Amhara region, accusations against Tigrayan forces have increased. Government institutions, multiple medias outlets, social media activists and individuals have been circulating this claim.

Earlier this year, on March 10, 2025, the Ethiopian National Defense Forces accused Brigadier General Migbey Haile, a senior military commander, and his associates of encouraging and coordinating a military offensive by Fano forces against the army in the Amhara region under the banner of the “Campaign for Unity.”

However Brigadier Gen. Megbey Haile has denied accusations by the ENDF, calling the claims baseless & motivated by people who want to divert attention from the real agendas.

Both the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and the federal government have exchanged accusations of attempting to undermine each other by supporting opposition armed groups aimed at instigating instability.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front accuses the federal government of failing to implement the Pretoria peace agreement, supporting armed groups in occupied Western Tigray, and establishing a new armed group in the Afar region.

Meanwhile, the federal government blames the TPLF of collaborating with the Eritrean government and the Fano militias to undermine Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration.

The Tigray Interim Administration has so far remain silent on the recent allegations, neither confirming nor denying involvement.

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Tsadkan Gebretensae denies claim of appointment as advisor to ENDF’s Chief of staff

Lieutenant General Tsadkan Gebretensae, former deputy president of Tigray’s interim administration and Ethiopia’s former chief of staff, has denied claims circulating on social media that he has been appointed as a senior advisor to Field Marshal Berhanu Jula, the current chief of staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces.

In a text message to Wegahta Facts responding to a request for clarification, Tsadkan dismissed the reports as false.

“It is common knowledge that myself and the current chief of staff, Field Marshal Berhanu, know each other well and worked together in the past. Hence, we keep in touch. But currently, I have not been appointed as an advisor to him,” Tsadkan said.

No official statement has been issued by the ENDF or any federal authority confirming such an appointment. However, the claim has been widely circulated by Facebook pages, YouTube channels, and other social media accounts.

The rumor emerged amid growing internal tensions within Tigray’s political and military circles, where disinformation and character attacks have become increasingly common. Factional disputes within the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and the broader TDF have fueled the spread of misleading narratives.

Tsadkan, a central figure in the Tigray armed resistance and a prominent figure in the political landscape in Tigray, has drawn mounting criticism from TPLF loyalists, particularly those aligned with party chairman Debretsion Gebremichael. He has been accused of attempting to undermine the party’s cohesion and leadership, allegations he repeatedly denied.

In Tigray’s post-war political landscape, politically charged rumors, disinformation, and character attacks have become a staple of online discourse, further distorting public understanding in an already polarized environment.


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Whitewashing Ethnic Cleansing: How the narrative around Western Tigray obscures a crime in plain sight

For nearly five years, Tigrayans from Western Tigray have endured a calculated campaign of ethnic cleansing, orchestrated through brutality, violence, displacement, and occupation. Yet despite the scale and brutality of the crimes committed, Western Tigray continues to be described casually and dangerously as “contested” or “disputed,” and worse, as the object of a so-called “fight over sesame.”

These terms are not only misleading they are an assault on truth itself. They constitute a deliberate, strategic mischaracterization of a crisis that has involved mass killings, systemic rape, the forced expulsion of civilians, the obliteration of local identity and the permanent redrawing of demographic lines through violence.

The issue of Western Tigray is not a border disagreement. It is not a two sided conflict and it is certainly not about a crop.

Language as a Weapon of Obfuscation

To understand how this false narrative has endured, one must begin with the language itself. The term “contested” implies two parties with equal claims. It implies the existence of legitimate grievances on both sides.

But there is no symmetry here. One side was ethnically cleansed. One side was expelled, their homes looted or burned, their lands seized, their existence criminalized. The other side now administers the area by force, with full impunity and growing normalization.

Since 2020, Western Tigray has been militarily annexed by the Amhara forces and is still under the control of the Amhara regional government and the vigilante Fano militias.

Tigrayans were systematically expelled from Western Tigray in what human rights organizations and the U.S. State Department described as a coordinated campaign of ethnic cleansing.

Entire towns were emptied. Men were executed and detained. Women were raped and survivors displaced across makeshift camps in different parts of Tigray or sent fleeing toward the Sudanese border, carrying nothing but memory and grief.

To continue calling such a place “contested” is to participate in a deception. It is to turn a crime scene into a policy debate.

The narrative of “contest” is not neutral, it is the language of the occupier. It serves to launder illegality into legitimacy, making permanent what was meant to be temporary, and concealing force behind the illusion of rivalry.

The Sesame fixation: Commodifying brutal ethnic cleansing

Parallel to this, an equally grotesque framing that has gained currency is the idea that the violence in Western Tigray is somehow rooted in economic motives, specifically a struggle over sesame, one of the most lucrative cash crops.

In this framing, the crisis is reduced to a resource dispute, as though the forced removal of an entire ethnic population is equivalent to a land competition between rival farmers. This narrative, too, is not accidental. It flattens political violence into economic logic. It replaces the moral clarity of injustice with the convenience of market rationality.

But no one rapes women or burns down churches to plant sesame. No one imprisons young men or razes entire neighborhoods for the sake of harvest quotas. The campaign in Western Tigray was not agricultural it was annihilative. It sought not only to take land, but to erase the people to whom it belonged.

The economic explanation is a cover story. A convenient fiction designed to allow outside actors, governments, NGOs, investors to continue engaging with the region without confronting the truth of what made that access possible.

A crime hidden in plain sight: The media’s failure and International complicity

Western Tigray has not been a silent tragedy. The expulsions, the massacres, the mass rapes, the destruction of villages, and the cries of survivors all have been visible, documented, and at times even acknowledged. And yet, despite the mountain of evidence and the clarity of these horrors, a disturbing pattern has continued to be chosen by both local and international media outlets, Humanitarian NGOs and international organizations. The persistent and deliberate mischaracterization of the area as “contested.”

This framing is not just inaccurate, it is profoundly irresponsible. It transforms a campaign of ethnic cleansing into a border disagreement. It flattens war crimes into a policy dispute. And it enables those responsible to continue their project under the cover of legitimacy, while the world debates maps instead of justice.

News organizations, some of the most trusted names in journalism, have repeatedly defaulted to vague, euphemistic language that fails to convey the scale and intent of what has happened. Articles speak of “territorial disputes,” “Amhara-Tigray tensions,” or “competition over fertile land,” as though what’s unfolding is a bureaucratic misunderstanding rather than a violent erasure of a population.

This editorial hedging is not neutrality, it is cowardice masked as balance. And it has consequences. By failing to name the crimes for what they are, the media has played a role in shaping global perceptions that excuse inaction. By presenting the aggressors and victims as equivalent stakeholders in a “contested” space, the press has elevated the narrative of the perpetrators and buried the voices of the displaced.

International humanitarian organizations are equally culpable. They continue to repeat the term “contested.”

This language is not benign. It is not technical. It is a political act. To describe the horrors of Western Tigray as “contested” is to rewrite history in real-time.

International organizations know what happened in Western Tigray. They are staffed with experts. They have access to the data, the reports, the testimonies. And yet, they choose language that prioritizes political access over moral clarity. Whether out of fear of offending the Ethiopian government, or in an effort to maintain a working relationship with regional authorities, the result is the same: truth is sacrificed at the altar of diplomacy.

The use of “contested” is not a clerical error. It is complicity.

When a UN agency or international NGO publishes a report referring to Western Tigray as “contested,” it validates the claim of those who seized the land and drove out its people. It rewrites a brutal military takeover as a misunderstanding between neighbors. It tells the world—without saying it out loud—that ethnic cleansing is negotiable.

This is more than just terminology. It is an act of moral abandonment. It abandons the displaced, the raped, the grieving, the disappeared. It leaves them not only without justice, but without recognition. It pushes their suffering into the footnotes of geopolitics.

Words shape policy. Words inform funding, humanitarian response, legal strategy, and diplomatic positioning. To call Western Tigray “contested” is to make future return less likely. It is to allow time to harden facts on the ground. It is to pretend that both sides should be heard—when only one side has been silenced by force.

If international organizations are serious about justice, about peace, about non-recurrence, they must begin with language. That means calling things by their rightful names.

Western Tigray is not contested. It is occupied. The violence was not spontaneous, it was systematic.

Anything less is a lie dressed up in the language of diplomacy.

Why This Matters Now

Five years on, the danger of this narrative is greater than ever. The longer the language of “dispute” prevails, the more permanent the occupation becomes. The more the story is told as a fight over land or crops, the further the world drifts from recognizing that what happened in Western Tigray was a deliberate dismantling of an ethnic community’s right to exist in its own homeland.

What is at stake is not just justice for past crimes, but the foundation of any possible peace. A peace that begins with silence, erasure, and lies is no peace at all—it is the prelude to recurrence.

The people of Western Tigray deserve to return not only to their land, but to their names, their history, and the full recognition of what was done to them. That cannot happen as long as the world insists on calling war crimes a “contest” and ethnic cleansing a “dispute over sesame.”

Truth as a Prerequisite for Justice

The truth is simple. Western Tigray is not contested, it is occupied. The conflict is not about sesame, it is about the violent removal of a people from their ancestral land. And the ongoing denial of these facts is not ignorance, it is complicity.

History is watching. The survivors are still speaking. And the record must be corrected while there is still time to do so with integrity.

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Is Tigray Witnessing a Creeping Coup?

Following the announcement by the senior military leaders, there are growing concerns that what started as a political dispute within the TPLF is evolving into a creeping coup.

On January 23, 2025, Tigray politics has seen a dramatic escalation in its internal power dynamics.

On that day Senior military commanders declared their backing for the faction led by former Tigray president and Chairman of the TPLF, Debretsion Gebremichael, calling for the restructuring of the Interim Administration and giving recognition for one faction only.

On their statement the senior military commander has accused the interim administration of being a group of “traitors working with the enemy,”

Following this announcement by the military leaders there are growing concerns that what started as a political dispute within the TPLF is evolving into a creeping coup that could destabilize Tigray and have wider implications in Ethiopia and the region.

A glimpse into the power struggle within the TPLF

After the signing of the Pretoria agreement the TPLF has been grappling with internal party disputes and divisions.

The first rift in the TPLF’s leadership began to appear right after the signing of the Pretoria agreement which declared the election held in Tigray as null and void and demanded the establishment of an interim administration.

Many party members accused Getachew and his team of conspiring to dismantle the regional government led by Debretsion Gebremichael.

Despite the opposition to the decision by many members of the party, later it was agreed to dismantle the government and establish an interim administration. However months long tensions within the party have continued regarding who will lead the Interim administration.

Even if many party members choosing Debretsion to continue leading the region, Federal government refused to accept him which led to another round of election process in the party which ended up choosing Getachew as the new President for Tigray.

After his election what seems like a peaceful power transition was seen but the internal power struggle has intensified, with one attempting to delegitimize the other and assume full control over political power.

During public meetings and media briefing Getachew Reda, President of the Interim administration has been accusing a group led from the TPLF office of trying to undermine the interim administration and control the lower government structure.

This division has escalated into splitting the party into two factions following a controversial party congress last year.

Following the controversial congress the dispute escalated into a chock hold power struggle between the faction led by Debretsion Gebremichael and Getachew Reda.

After the congress Debretsions faction announced that it has removed senior officials from the interim administration including Getachew Reda and assigned new people to various positions except the President position.

The faction that held a congress vowed to assume full control of the power it says it has lost. During a town hall meeting with the party members in Mekelle, Fetlewerk Gebregziabher, senior leader in the TPLF said “We are now kicked out of power and we need to reclaim that back.” and vows to fight until this is achieved.

This has led to power grabbing in the lower level of the government in the Woredas, zone and Kebelles paralyzing the interim administration and escalating tensions.

A Coup Without Guns

A creeping coup is a subtle but effective form of power grab, often slower and less overt than a traditional military takeover.

Rather than storming government buildings or seizing offices overnight, It starts with the gradual erosion of institutional authority, a political narrative that seeks to justify the change, and strategic efforts to consolidate control without a single dramatic move. The result is a change in power that maybe harder to notice but no less impactful.

The Signs of a Creeping Coup in Tigray

Debretsion’s faction now has already succeeded in gaining almost full control of lower government structures. According to many observers, at the woreda and zone levels, key bureaus and local councils are now aligned with Debretsion’s camp.

This grassroots infiltration of political structures is one of the most insidious aspects of the creeping coup. By controlling local councils, his faction is weakening the authority of Getachew’s Interim administration at the grassroots level and cementing its own support base.

And after the recent announcement by the military, calling for the dissolution and restructuring of the region’s interim administration Debretsion’s faction is shifting its focus to controlling strategic institutions.

According to a report by BBC Amharic days after the announcement by the military, attempts were made by militias to seize the Mekelle radio station, a tool usually used to influence the wider public, and install a new leader loyal to Debretsion’s faction.

Meanwhile, efforts are also underway to control the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), a powerful economic conglomerate that has long been the financial backbone of TPLF governance in Tigray.

According to several sources the military had also began holding meetings with lower-ranking officers in different army’s to “build consensus” around the decisions it passed.

Historical Parallels

What we are witnessing in Tigray is not an isolated event but a part of a historical pattern.

A creeping coup is often defined by gradual erosion rather than sudden explosions of violence. We’ve seen this before in Ethiopia and other parts of Africa: the slow dismantling of government systems from within, where the military, once seen as the protector of the state, turns into an instrument for subversion.

The most striking historical example is Ethiopia’s own Derg regime in 1974. In a process that took months, the military systematically dismantled the monarchy’s control, using its growing influence to steadily erode the Emperor’s authority. While there was no single moment of violence that overthrew Haile Selassie, the Derg slowly choked the life out of his rule.

A Region on the Brink

Tigray’s fragile peace, achieved through the Pretoria Agreement, is now at risk. What began as a political factional dispute may soon spiral into an irreversible power shift, that could reshape Tigray’s political landscape in ways that may not be fully understood until it is too late.

The question is not whether a power shift is happening, but who will ultimately emerge as Tigray’s leader and at what cost to its fragile peace?

The Ethiopian federal government, has so far refrained from directly intervening in TPLF’s internal power struggle.

Addis has preferred a wait and see approach, hoping that internal TPLF divisions will prevent any faction from gaining full control. However, if the current situation escalates, federal forces could justify intervention in the pretext of maintaining stability and insuring law enforcement.

And such interventions from the Federal government may enable other actors to take advantage and try to exploit the situation by taking sides and turning Tigray into a battle ground.

The time for all Tigrayans to unite and force the politicians to bring back their differences to the table is now. In action from Tigrayans is driving Tigray into a brink of collapse no one will benefit from. Everyone must act now beforeit is too late.

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UN faces criticism for normalizing military occupation, sanitizing ethnic cleansing and war crimes in Tigray.

The United Nations humanitarian coordination agency, has come under growing criticism from Tigrayans after it referred to constitutionally recognized Tigrayan territories as “contested” in a recent mapping update.

The map which is part of OCHA’s latest humanitarian report labeled Western, Northwestern, and Southern Tigray as contested areas,” a description that many say is both factually incorrect and politically dangerous.

Critics are accusing the UN agency of whitewashing war crimes, sanitizing forced occupation, and undermining Ethiopia’s own constitutional order.

Many argue that these territories are not contested. They are part of Tigray by law of the land, by federal delineation and by historical record.

What the Constitution Says And What the War Changed

The Ethiopian federal constitution, still in force today, recognizes Tigray as one of the country’s regional states with clearly demarcated boundaries, which include the Western, Northwestern, and Southern zones.

These territories were administered by the Tigray regional government until they were forcibly seized in late 2020 following the outbreak of war between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Since then, Amhara regional forces, with the backing of the federal military and later Eritrean troops, have taken control of these areas, committing what multiple international human rights organizations have described as crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Ethnic Tigrayans were driven out en masse, villages were razed, and civilians were executed or detained in what Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and U.S State Department called a campaign of ethnic cleansing.”

Over two million Tigrayans were displaced during the war, with many of those from Western Tigray still barred from returning to their homes due to the continued occupation of their lands, a direct violation of their constitutional rights and of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement signed in November 2022.

To now refer to these areas as “contested,” critics argue, is to legitimize the results of gross human rights abuses, violence, massive eviction and military occupation.

OCHA’s “Contested” classification: A dangerous precedent

By labeling these territories as “contested,” OCHA appears to adopt the language of occupation. One that aligns, intentionally or not, with those who benefited from the wartime redrawing of borders through force.

For many survivors of the ethnic cleansing campaign, the designation of their homeland as “contested” feels like a second dispossession. one not carried out with guns, but with maps, jargon, and diplomatic double-speak.

For them this map is not just a map. It is a political statement and ignoring the suffering of Tigrayans in the name of humanitarian pragmatism.

“These are not contested lands. These are the homes we were driven out of, the lands where our parents were buried, the towns where we were born,” said Gidey, a displaced resident of Humera now living in 70 Kare IDP camp in Mekelle. “The UN should be helping us go home, not rewriting the story.”

Pretoria Agreement: A Promise Still Unkept

The Pretoria agreement, signed in November 2022 between the Ethiopian federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, promised to address underlying issues including the withdrawal of non-ENDF forces from Tigray, the return of displaced persons and the reestablishment of constitutional order.

But more than two years after the agreement was signed, non-ENDF forces remain in control of areas like Western Tigray where millions of Tigrayans were expelled or fled in fear and the millions of displaced Tigrayans remain in camps or host communities, unable to return.

Analysts warn that such framing could further embolden actors seeking to redraw Ethiopia’s internal boundaries through conflict, and risk undermining the fragile Pretoria peace agreement.

The United Nations humanitarian coordination agency has not issued a formal response to the growing criticism.