After ensuring the school was cleared of mines, Mengi Primary School in Tigray was reopened in October 2021 with the help of UNICEF (Photo: UNICEF)

Millions of children out of schools and tens of thousands of teachers died in war-torn Tigray

Mekelle, Tigray – In Wereda Tselemti, North Western Tigray, the deserted classrooms and shuttered schools that once served as centers of learning for tens of thousands of children are a stark reminder of the toll the war has taken on the Tigray’s education system. For over five years, 79 educational institutions in the district have been closed, leaving approximately 56,000 students without access to formal education, according to Tselemti development association.

Children now spend their days helping with household chores, tending livestock, working in fields or searching for food, rather than learning math, science or reading, as teachers have either been killed, displaced, or remain unpaid.

The situation in Tselemti reflects a broader crisis in Tigray. Across Tigray, schools have been reduced to rubble, with roofs collapsed, libraries looted and laboratories stripped of equipment. A 2023 report by the UNOCHA, showed that more than 85% of schools were damaged or destroyed during the war. Some were burned, others used as barracks by fighters and many still bear bullet holes and shell scars.

According to the latest report by the regional education bureau, this year alone 1.2 million children are out of school due to many factors including economic hardship and lack of access to education. In rural areas, where schools were already under-resourced before the war, the closures have pushed families back decades. The human toll is just as severe. The Tigray regional education bureau has reported that 14,000 teachers have died as a direct or indirect result of the war on Tigray and the bureau estimates that the education system has sustained $1.6 billion in damage and in areas where schools are technically open, they often operate in extreme conditions. Some lack chairs, blackboards or even walls. Others run double or triple shifts, trying to squeeze hundreds of students into a single classroom.

In addition to the school conditions, economic hardship and accessibility have also become crippling barriers. Many families, economically drained by the two years of war, cannot afford basics such as notebooks, uniforms, or food for their children as a result many are often pulled from school to help support household survival, working in fields, herding animals or fetching water for hours each day.

A Lost Generation in the Making

The collapse of Tigray’s education system is not just a temporary setback, it threatens to shape Tigray’s future for decades. Many warn that every year a child spends out of the classroom reduces their lifetime earnings potential and increases the likelihood of falling into poverty. A 2023 World Bank study on conflict-affected middle income countries found that a single year of lost schooling can reduce a child’s expected lifetime earnings by 9%. Multiplied across a generation, the missed education in Tigray could set back Tigray’s recovery by decades, undermining its workforce, productivity and chances of long-term stability.

The risks go beyond illiteracy. Children who miss years of schooling are more likely to end up in child labor, early marriage, or unsafe migration. In many parts of rural Tigray, families say their children are dropping out to work as daily laborers or they are drawn into dangerous migration, where many fall prey to human traffickers.

“My son used to dream of being a doctor,” said Selam, a mother of three in Axum. “Now he says he wants to go to Europe to find work. He doesn’t believe in school anymore.”

Desperate teenagers are lured by promises of jobs and better life abroad, only to end up stranded or exploited in Yemen, Libya or along desert smuggling routes.

The psychological toll is equally severe. Many children witnessed violence firsthand during the war, killings, displacement, hunger and without the routine and stability that schools provide, trauma goes untreated. Teachers describe students struggling with attention, discipline, and even basic communication.

Girls Pay the Highest Price

While the war has upended education for all children in Tigray, girls have borne a disproportional burden. Alemat Amare, the deputy head of Tigray’s Women affairs bureau told Wegahta that among the children who haven’t returned back to school, around 50% of them are girls. According to Alemat many have been pushed out of the classroom due to poverty, family responsibilities, and economic hardship intensified by war.

Child marriage across Tigray is reportedly rising, as desperate families marry off daughters to reduce household expenses. For many girls, marriage is becoming a survival strategy, even if it means abandoning education forever. These girls are losing not just their schooling, but their childhoods and the ripple effects are severe. Girls who leave school are far less likely to return, trapping them in cycles of domestic labor, dependency or early marriage and motherhood.

Many fear that this could undo years of slow but steady progress toward gender parity in education in Tigray.

Rebuilding from Ashes

Even amid devastation, there have been efforts to rebuild Tigray’s shattered education system. According to the Tigray Recovery and Reconstruction Coordination Office, in 2017 E.C. alone, 51 schools were reconstructed or rebuilt, restoring some classrooms and providing a measure of hope to affected communities.

But the scale of destruction far outpaces these efforts. With more than 85% of schools damaged or destroyed, the 51 rebuilt schools barely scratch the surface of what is needed. For every school reopened, dozens remain in ruins, forcing children to travel long distances or go without schooling entirely. The Tigray regional education bureau estimates that over $4.7 billion will be required to fully rebuild the education system.

Education as Collateral Damage

The war on Tigray, which began in November 2020, has exacted a devastating toll on Tigray’s civilian infrastructure and schools have borne a heavy share of the damage. While both the Federal government and its allies deny deliberately targeting educational institutions, evidence on the ground suggests that schools were frequently looted, occupied, or destroyed, becoming unintended or in many cases strategic victims of the war.

Reports indicate that classrooms were used as military barracks, storing weapons and housing soldiers, leaving them unfit for learning. Libraries were ransacked, laboratories stripped of equipment, and blackboards filled by a message of threats and intimidation. Children returned to find bullet-riddled walls and burned textbooks.

And the disruption goes beyond physical damage. Teachers have been killed, displaced, or left unpaid for months and many students have been forced into household labor to help families survive. In effect, the collapse of education has become both a cause and a consequence of the humanitarian crisis.

A Future on Hold

Across Tigray, children who once filled schoolyards with laughter now spend their days fetching water, tending livestock, or working in fields. Dreams of doctors, engineers, and teachers are being replaced with survival strategies. For many families, sending children back to school is not just difficult, it is impossible. Poverty coupled with destroyed infrastructure has made education become a luxury rather than a right.

For those who do return to classrooms, learning conditions are harsh. Overcrowded rooms, minimal supplies and underpaid or volunteer teachers make progress slow and precarious. As a result the fate of Tigray’s children now hangs in the balance. Each day without school is a day that diminishes their potential and by extension, the potential of Tigray itself.

Refugees who fled Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict arrive by bus near the Ethiopian border at the entrance of Um Raquba refugee camp in Sudan’s eastern Gedaref state on Dec. 11, 2020. (AFP file photo)

Expulsions of Tigrayans from Western Tigray continue nearly three years after the signing of the Pretoria agreement

Mekelle, Tigray – Over 1500 ethnic Tigrayans have been expelled from the occupied Western Tigray zone by Amhara regional forces and militias this year alone, compounding what rights groups describe as an ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing nearly three years after Ethiopia’s federal government and TPLF signed a peace deal to end the war on Tigray.

Assefa Gebrehiwot, head of the internally displaced persons coordination cluster in the town of Sheraro, told Wegahta that since the start of 2017 Ethiopian calendar (2024–25), the town has received more than 1,500 ethnic Tigrayans including women, children and elderly people forcibly displaced from many parts of Western Tigray including Welkayt, Tsegede, Humera, Kafta Humera and Maykadra.

“This past week alone, Sheraro received over fifty expelled Tigrayans,” Assefa said, adding that expulsions have persisted for almost three years despite the Pretoria cessation of hostilities agreement. “Many of those expelled reached Sheraro on foot, often after walking for days without food or water,” said Assefa, “Some were brought here with the assistance of federal police, who transported them after they were forced out of Western Tigray.” He added that more than 200 Tigrayans have so far been transferred to Sheraro by federal authorities this year alone, underscoring the scale of expulsions and the federal government’s awareness of the situation.

Regional authorities say nearly one million people from Western Tigray now live in IDP centers across Tigray, while tens of thousands more remain with host communities and in Sudan refugee camps.

Pattern of expulsion

According to Assefa the forced expulsion of Tigrayans from Western Tigray has been a continuing trend for the past almost three years, despite the Pretoria agreement. Civil society groups also say expulsions from Western Tigray are part of a broader campaign to permanently change the demographics of the area.

Tsegay Tetemke, head of Tsilal CSO, a civic society organization which focuses on issues in Western Tigray, told Wegahta that his organization has documented more than 11 phases of mass expulsions of Tigrayans in between 2022-2024, displacing tens of thousands of Tigrayans from Western Tigray.

The displacement, which many describe as part of demographic engineering and ethnic cleansing campaign in the occupied Western Tigray, comes nearly three years after the signing of the Pretoria peace agreement on November 2, 2022, which formally ended the war between Ethiopia’s federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Since the starting of the war, Western Tigray remains under the control of forces from the neighboring Amhara region despite provisions in the November 2022 Pretoria peace agreement, which called for the restoration of constitutional framework to address any claims.

Tens of thousands of Tigrayans were reported killed or arbitrarily detained and millions expelled in what observers and right groups say was a coordinated campaign to change the areas demographic composition. A joint 2022 report by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International concluded that the abuses in Western Tigray amounted to a coordinated campaign of ethnic cleansing.

Following the signing of the Pretoria agreement many expected that the issue of Western Tigray and suffering of nearly millions of IDPs will be addressed constitutionally as stipulated in the agreement. However the cessation of hostilities agreement has not brought about an end to the ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans in Western Tigray and the suffering of those across IDP centers in Tigray and refugee camps in Sudan.

In June 1, 2023 Human rights watch said local authorities and Amhara forces have continued to forcibly expel Tigrayans as part of an ethnic cleansing campaign in Western Tigray Zone despite the November 2, 2022, truce agreement. Human Rights Watch reported that it founded that two officials, Col. Demeke Zewdu and Belay Ayalew, who were previously implicated in abuses, continue to be involved in arbitrary detention, torture, and forced deportations of Tigrayans.

The United States department of States in its 2024 country reports on human rights practices in Ethiopia published also sited that “There were reports of widespread killings of civilians,mass forced displacement, ethnic cleansing, rape and other forms of violence against women and girls, looting, & destruction of property by Amhara militias and affiliated groups in Western Tigray.”

Life After Displacement

Even though many of those expelled from Western Tigray first take refuge in the small town of Sheraro, few remain there for long. Instead, they disperse to relatives or squeeze into displacement camps already filled to capacity.

“As soon as they arrive, most move on to join IDPs who are already in displacement camps in Shire, Adwa, Mekelle and other areas,” said Assefa Gebrehiwot. “This is adding to an already dire humanitarian situation in the IDP camps.” he added

For those expelled from Western Tigray, life in displacement camps is marked by overcrowding, hunger, and uncertainty. The camps already struggling to accommodate hundreds of thousands displaced Tigrayans are now stretched beyond their limits. Many displaced families live in makeshift shelters made of plastic sheets and sticks, with little access to food, water, or healthcare.

A recent special assessment report by the Commission of inquiry on Tigray Genocide which was conducted across 92 IDP sites and at host community in 18 cities and sub-cities across Tigray found that Many continue to live in makeshift shelters, abandoned buildings, and overcrowded school compounds, facing deteriorating conditions without adequate food, medical services, or any hope for return, recovery or justice.

The finding by the commission indicates the existence of systematic deprivation of basic needs. The food aid provided was irregular, and inconsistent with humanitarian standards. In many cases, food distribution has been suspended for several months, and when it is delivered, the quantity is frequently below standard and often not based on household size. The report also shows that vulnerable groups, including pregnant women, unaccompanied children and persons with chronic illnesses, are often excluded from aid due to flaws in biometric registration systems and bureaucratic neglect. Some have never received any aid since their displacement.

Shelter conditions are equally dire. According to the report a large proportion of IDPs live in overcrowded, decaying plastic tents, unfinished buildings, or sleep outdoors. Many shelters are no longer functional and provide no protection even from rain, wind, and sun. IDPs report exposure to wild animals like snakes, and extreme weather. Makeshift settlements in school compounds have interrupted local education systems and exacerbated pressures on host communities.

The lack of sanitation infrastructure further exposes IDPs to disease outbreaks, particularly in densely populated sites where latrines and clean water are either unavailable or severely limited. Healthcare is another major area of concern. The study found an alarming absence of medical services across IDP sites. Essential medicines and treatments for chronic illnesses, maternal and child health services, and mental health support are practically nonexistent.

Cases of death due to starvation, untreated illnesses, and preventable conditions such as hypertension and diabetes were frequently reported, according to the findings by the commission. Some IDP sites recorded several death incidents due to the compounded effects of starvation, malnutrition, lack of medicine, and hygienic problems. In camps like Hitsats and Endabaguna, death tolls reached staggering levels, including elderly individuals who perished from neglect and children dying from malnutrition.

Despite the scale of suffering, mechanisms for justice, accountability and durable solutions remain virtually absent. Even tho the CoHA signed between the Federal government and the TPLF obligates the Ethiopian government to ensure the withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigray and to facilitate the safe return of displaced persons, the return remains obstructed in areas like Western Tigray which still under occupation by Amhara and Eritrean forces.

Stalled Peace agreement implementation

Nearly three years after the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, which formally ended the war on Tigray, implementation remains uneven with Western Tigray at the heart of the deadlock. Even tho the CoHA obligates the Ethiopian government to ensure the withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigray, to facilitate the safe return of displaced persons and address underlying issues based upon the Ethiopian constitution, Western Tigray has remained under the control of Amhara regional forces and allied militias.

The continued presence of these forces has stalled the safe return of nearly a million displaced people from Western Tigray, according to government officials. Tigrayan officials accuse the federal government of failing to enforce the terms of the deal, leaving displaced families with no pathway back to their homes.

“The agreement promised return and restoration to constitutional framework, but instead people are trapped in limbo,” said Assefa Gebrehiwot “Every month more families are expelled, while those already displaced see no sign of going back.”

For displaced families, the lack of enforcement means indefinite exile. Many have lost families, their farmland, homes, and property in Western Tigray, which they say has been taken over by settlers or Amhara militias. Civic society organizations warn that without a political solution, the crisis risks becoming permanent, leaving hundreds of thousands dependent on aid with no prospect of return.

The stalemate has fueled fears that Western Tigray could trigger renewed war not only between Tigrayan and Amhara communities, but also between regional authorities and the federal government.

The town of Mekhoni

One died and two injured in the town of Mekoni, Southern Tigray: local residents accused security forces for the incident

Mekelle, Tigray – One person was killed and two others injured in Mekoni, Southern Tigray, after security forces opened fire in a local gaming area in a neighborhood known as Madya, according to residents. Residents said the victims were reportedly at a gaming center where they usually gather to spend their time when the forces fired, killing one young man.

According to the resident who spoke to Wegahta on condition of anonymity, Tsigabu Belay who is a resident of Mekoni was killed after a bullet hit him on his neck and Aregawi Tsehaye who was also at the game zone was slightly injured. After the incident Abraha Hagazi who is the owner of the game zone followed them to the high school where they were residing and was heavily beaten by the security forces on his head, the residents added.

Residents said the forces involved belonged to the Tigray Defence Force’s army 43.

According to residents, the same security forces had visited the area on Friday August 29, 2025 and allegedly extorted money from Abraha Hagazi, the owner of the game zone. After he reported the incident to the head of the Army 43, sources said, he didn’t get a positive response but the forces returned in anger and attempted to carry out searches, escalating into the shooting that killed one person and injured another in the game zone.

Today it was reported that the Army has handed over three suspects to the city police, who are carrying out further investigations.

In Mekoni similar incident that killed one person and left 6 injured happened in August 18, 2025 when TDF soldiers attempted to arrest Colonel Halefom Mehari, deputy head of the district security office, which led to confrontation with local militias and youth.

Situation in the area has been tense since the recent tensions in Southern Tigray following the announcement by the Interim administration to restructure the local administration. Reports of military units deployments, patrols in the city and intimidation of civilians have been increasing.

“This is part of a pattern of intimidation where forces move through neighborhoods harassing residents, search our phones and threatening those who have been critical of their actions” one resident who requested anonymity said. According to the resident, this month alone over 21 incidents of violence against civilians has been recorded. Several civic society organizations and opposition parties have been expressing concern about violence against civilians. On Monday Salsay Weyane Tigray, a Tigrayan opposition party said it has seen a sharp increase in killing, arbitrary arrests and widespread arrests in Southern Tigray in what the party said is a design to silence dissent.

The Interim administration’s peace and security bureau did not responded to Wegahta’s requests for comment

TDF fighters in Mekoni, Southern Tigray, to cover their faces

Opposition party in Tigray accused TPLF of suppressing dissent

Tigrayan opposition party, Salsay Weyane Tigray accused the Tigray People’s Liberation Front of brutally cracking down on peaceful opposition movements across the region, warning that the TPLF is actively obstructing a lasting solution to the existential challenges facing Tigray.

In its weekly press release, the party said repression by the TPLF “targets unarmed civilians simply for holding dissenting views,” citing “a sharp rise in killings, arbitrary shootings, and widespread arrests, particularly in Southern Tigray, all designed to silence dissent.” Salsay Weyane Tigray said the TPLF, which it described as building on its “history of seizing power by force,” is escalating efforts to suppress opposition voices.

Growing Tensions in Southern Tigray

The call from Salsay Weyane Tigray comes against a backdrop of mounting turmoil in Southern Tigray, where leadership changes have triggered political unrest. On July 22, 2025, the interim administration announced the removal of Southern Tigray’s senior zonal leaders, a move critics described as an “irresponsible directive” issued under pressure from the TPLF.

The move by the Interim administration has led to an escalation of tensions in Southern Tigray leading into a massive protest across the zone and a total suspension of all government services as a protest against the decision.

Following days of tension Lt. General Tadesse Werede held discussions with community representatives from the zone and the zonal leadership which led to a decision to address the issue in a discussion with the community leaders and the leadership easing the situation in the zone.

The situation, however, deteriorated again on August 24, 2025, when Tadesse Werede appointed Zenabu Gebremedhin, a central committee member of the TPLF, to lead the Southern Tigray administration, replacing Haftu Kiros. Zenabu and his deputy formally assumed office on August 26, 2025, a move that reignited protests and deepened the political instability.

Allegations of human rights abuses

Amid ongoing political unrest in Southern Tigray, rights groups, media outlets, and local sources have reported multiple human rights violations. Additional units of the Tigray Defense Forces, deployed to Southern Tigray following the July leadership changes, have been accused of using excessive force against civilians, detaining individuals critical of the interim administration, and intimidating local residents.

In one incident on August 18, 2025, in Mekoni, clashes between TDF forces and local militias resulted in injuries to several civilians and the death of one person. The confrontation reportedly began after TDF forces attempted to arrest a local militia leader. Residents say the incident is part of a broader pattern of intimidation, including threats and harassment targeting youth, community leaders, and local militias in the area.

The interim administration has not publicly addressed these specific allegations, though officials maintain that their actions are intended to restore order and ensure effective governance in the zone. However Salsay Weyane Tigray condemned the alleged abuses in “the strongest possible terms” and called on both local and international human rights organizations to investigate the incidents and hold those responsible accountable.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front has not responded to the accusations.

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Tigray’s health care system set back 25 years by war, says Tigray health bureau

The health care system in Tigray has been pushed back 25 years due to war, the Tigray Health Bureau said on Saturday, warning of rising maternal deaths caused by a collapse in services and a shortage of ambulances.

Dr. Amanuel Haile, head of the bureau, said 184 women have died from pregnancy-related complications so far this year. “The number of maternal deaths has increased because mothers have no access to medical services and cannot reach hospitals on time,” he said during a ceremony marking the delivery of 200 newly purchased ambulances.

Before the war erupted in late 2020, Tigray had 310 ambulances. That number has fallen to 82 after extensive looting and destruction, according to Dr. Amanuel. The region also had 47 hospitals, 224 health centers, and 712 health posts before the conflict.

But by March 2021, Doctors Without Borders reported that many facilities had been looted by ground forces and later destroyed or turned into military camps, underscoring the systematic targeting of health infrastructure.

Yesterday during the delivery of 200 Ambulances, Dr. Amanuel said “Due to the war, Tigray’s health system has been dragged back 25 years,” calling for national and international support to rebuild the health care system destroyed during the war.

Humanitarian agencies are warning that restoring ambulance services and rebuilding health facilities is critical to avert a deepening public health crisis in the region.

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Tourism sector in Tigray generates hundreds of millions and creates thousands of Jobs only in 100 days, according to the tourism burea

Tigray’s tourism sector has generated more than 200 million birr and created over 4,000 new jobs in the past 100 days, Tigray Bureau of Culture and Tourism said on Monday.

In a press conference marking the 100-day performance plan, Tigray’s tourism bureau said Tigray attracted 1,354 foreign visitors and more than 50,000 local tourists over the past three months.

During the press conference Atsbeha Gebreegziabher (PhD), head of the bureau highlighted that the bureau’s work has focused on promoting peace and unity through Tigray’s cultural heritage, delivering uninterrupted public services, and improving the region’s tourism profile.

He also added that significant progress has been made in heritage restoration, with 17 historical artifacts returned to Tigray and nine heritage sites, including the historic Al-Nejash mosque, has been renovated.

Before the war on Tigray, Tigray attracted an estimate of 90,000 tourists annually. However, the COVID-19 pandemic and the devastating war that started in 2020 left the sector in ruins, severely damaging ancient and historical sites and also affecting hotels, tour companies, while centuries-old relics were looted.

Following the signing of the Pretoria agreement and the official reopening and rebranding of tourism destinations in 2023 Tigray has seen a steady rebound in visitors, both foreign and domestic.

The regional tourism bureau said it is working to reclaim its place as one of the most compelling cultural and historical destinations and improve tourism development in Tigray.


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The War left $100 Billion trail of destruction in Tigray, says the recovery and reconstruction coordination office

The war on Tigray has caused damage worth more than 100 billion dollars, the the recovery and reconstruction coordination office said

The bureau, presenting its annual performance report of the 3R-4CACE project during a meeting in Mekelle, said it carried out reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts across 38 districts in Tigray with support from the World Bank amounting to over 2.2 billion birr

As part of these efforts, 949 clean water facilities, 54 schools and 28 healthcare centers have been built, the bureau said. It added that financial support of more than 60,000 birr each has been provided to 735 survivors of sexual violence.

However, these initial steps pale in comparison to the widespread destruction documented in a Universal Periodic Review (UPR) report submitted to the United Nations Human Rights Council.

According to the UPR report, compiled by rights organizations and civic society organizations, 88.3% of Tigray’s 2,054 public schools were damaged or destroyed. Students now walk an average of 7.3 kilometers to reach primary schools, compared to just 2.5 kilometers before the war, while high school students travel nearly 17 kilometers. At least 1,911 students and 235 teachers were killed, leaving deep scars on the education system.

Water infrastructure has been equally hard hit. According to the report Tigray’s Pre-war coverage stood at 60% in urban areas and 55% in rural areas. Those figures have now plummeted to 25% and 28% respectively, cutting off 3.7 million people from reliable water supplies.

The UPR report describes the impact of the war as “systemic and deliberate,” citing the destruction of roads, bridges, dams, telecoms and energy infrastructure. The Tekeze hydropower plant, a major electricity source, and numerous substations were targeted by airstrikes, causing widespread and prolonged power outages.

Agriculture, which is the backbone of Tigray’s economy, has also been devastated by the destruction of farmland, irrigation systems and livestock. Without large-scale investment, food security remains precarious.

While the 3R-4CACE reconstruction initiative has begun repairing infrastructure, its scale is minimal compared to the estimated $100 billion in damage. “The assistance so far is symbolic compared to the actual scale of damage,” a senior official with the reconstruction bureau said. “We need sustained and massive investments, not short term fixes.”

The scale and complexity of the destruction in Tigray demand a Marshall Plan-style response. One that not only rebuilds infrastructure but also addresses the economic and social wounds of war. This would require international donors, multilateral institutions, and Ethiopia’s federal government to coordinate long-term investments in energy, water, transport, education, and agriculture.

Analysts say a comprehensive recovery roadmap should also include debt reliefs for Tigrayans investors who have been at the forefront of the economic damage, private sector incentives to attract investment to Tigray and targeted programs for restoring livelihoods.

Without a bold, coordinated strategy, Tigray risks becoming a humanitarian black hole, however a sustained recovery effort could instead turn the Tigray into a test case for post-conflict reconstruction in Africa similar in ambition to Europe’s recovery after World War II.

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Arrest attempt triggers clashes and protests in Mekoni, Southern Tigray, leaving one dead and six injured

An attempt by security forces to arrest member of a local militia in the southern Tigray, Mekoni has left one civilian dead and at least six others wounded, according to residents and doctors who spoke to Landa Report, a local media outlet.

Following the incident, hundreds of residents took to the streets in Mekoni, denouncing the violence and demanding an end to civilian killings. Protesters called for the withdrawal of military forces from the town and urged an end to the violence against civilians.

Southern Tigray has become a flashpoint in recent months after the Tigray People’s Liberation Front announced plans to dissolve the existing zonal administration and install new leadership, a strategy the Party has pursued in other parts of the region.

On July 22, 2025, the Tigray Interim Administration announced the removal of senior officials in Southern Tigray, which TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael (PhD) described in a recent media briefing as part of an agreed restructuring plan. The announcement triggered large-scale demonstrations across the zone and drawing condemnation from civic groups and opposition parties. All government offices also suspended their work for days as part of the protest against the decision by the interim administration.

Tensions eased after a series of meetings and discussions between the interim authorities, zonal leaders and community representatives, which led to the reinstatement of the previous administration and the reopening of government offices.

Todays incident threatens to reignite tensions in Southern Tigray, raising concerns that the fragile calm achieved in recent weeks could quickly breakdown, potentially disrupting farming and other services that many residents rely on for their livelihoods.

As of now, the interim administration had not issued any statement on the incident, and Wegahta was unable to obtain comment despite repeated attempts.

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Tigray’s politics “out of Tigrayans control,” says Salsay Weyane Tigray: the party withdraws from regional Interim Counci

Salsay Weyane Tigray said external forces have hijacked the Tigray’s politics, warning that the politics has spiraled out of control and is now being exploited by “genocidal” actors in the north and south.

In a statement following a two-day meeting of its senior leadership, the party said it had reviewed Tigray’s social, economic, political, and security situation, as well as developments in the wider region.

“Tigray’s politics has gotten out of the control of Tigrayans and has become a political tool for genocidal forces, heightening the national threat to our people,” the statement read.

The party said politics in Tigray has increasingly relied on coercion, undermining peaceful political engagement, dialogue, and democratic competition. It also cited a rise in deaths, kidnappings, theft, and other illegal activities.

Salsay Weyane Tigray criticized the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, saying its internal conflicts have worsened the region’s crisis by neglecting core priorities such as territorial integrity, the return of displaced persons, establishment of accountable governance, justice, and reconstruction.

Following its two-day meeting, the party also announced its withdrawal from the Interim Council of Tigray, established on February 2, 2024, which was tasked with “conducting advisory and supportive activities” for the Interim Administration.

At the council’s formation, Salsay Weyane Tigray had initially refused to participate, accusing the interim administration of structuring the council’s regulations to serve its own interests.

On February 24, the party reversed its earlier decision and announced plans to join the council after recent changes granted it decision-making authority, replacing its previous advisory role.

In its latest statement, the party said the council’s institutional legitimacy remains in question and argued that it is unable to fulfill its mandate effectively.